Kunio Maekawa is an architect who designed and built his...

Kunio Maekawa is an architect who designed and built his own house, The Maekawa House, in 1941(Reynolds, 2001). Since the war was going on, he was only able to construct his home with limited materials (Reynolds, 2001). Nevertheless, he was still able to incorporate the traditional Japanese architecture with influences of the western style. The Maekawa House is considered to be modern because of the introduction it had of a different type of design in Japan (Reynolds, 2001). Maekawa obtained the traditional wood construction and spacious garden; he added the living/dining room in the center of the house. The bedroom was in the back corner of the house for privacy reasons, and the other rooms were design on both sides of the living room†¦show more content†¦He was drawn by the English Arts and Crafts Movement and chose to write about John Ruskin’s essay, â€Å"Seven Lamps of Architecture.† Maekawa was intrigued by how Ruskin defined the architectural detail of a rchitects’ work. This made him more interested to find out what architecture was (Maekawa, 1984). He visited projects around Tokyo, and even got the chance to see Frank Lloyd Wright’s Imperial Hotel but was disappointed by the lack of information (Maekawa, 1984). He read an architectural journal, Architectural Forum, and was not fascinated because there was no information of the design or the aesthetics. It seems magazines in the 1920’s were somewhat conservative (Maekawa, 1984). Maekawa entered Tokyo Imperial University in 1925 to pursue his architecture education and it was there when he was able to be exposed to the European trends (Maekawa, 1984). He learned about the Western and Japanese architectural history and took field trips to shrines and temples (Maekawa, 1984). He graduated from Tokyo Imperial University in 1928 (Maekawa, 1984). He was then eluded by Europe’s modernism where he later pursued his belief of modernism in Paris by working under, the well-known architect, LeCorbusier (Maekawa, 1984). The first exposure that Maekawa had of LeCorbusier was when he read a report of LeCorbusier’s Ville Contemporain (Maekawa, 1984)e. Due to the recession in Japan in 1927, Maekawa needed to look elsewhere to obtain a job,

How do criminologists define corporate crime Free Essays

Introduction A standard definition of corporate crime would read as follows: ‘Illegal acts or omissions, punishable by the state†¦ which are the result of deliberate decision- making or culpable negligence within a legitimate formal organisation.’ (McLaughlin Muncie 2006: 74). With reference to how corporate crime has been defined by criminology, in this essay I will firstly explore how conventional criminology, (that which predates the 1970’s), ignored or marginalized corporate crime (Crawford 1998). We will write a custom essay sample on How do criminologists define corporate crime? or any similar topic only for you Order Now I will then discuss the significance of the contribution that Critical criminologies, most notably Marxist Criminology, have made to this debate. I will then go on to consider the seriousness of corporate crime, exploring some of the problems with statistics that attempt to measure the ‘crime problem’. This will be followed by a discussion on criminology post 1970, notably administrative criminology and the implications this has had on crime prevention initiatives in the 1980’s with relevance to corporate crime. The problem with early ‘criminological’ theories, notably classicism and positivism, was not the inaccurate definition that they gave of corporate crime in so much as they ignored it. Crime was considered an individualistic matter (see Taylor, Walton Young 1973; Vold et al 2002) with positivists arguing that crime was ‘tangible’ and ‘quantifiable’ (McLaughlin Muncie 2006: 302), two labels that many contemporary authors would be hesitant to assign to corporate crime (See Slapper Tombs 1999 Green 1990). It was Sutherland’s groundbreaking research on white collar crime in the 1940’s that brought corporate crime to the forefront of the criminological agenda (Williams 2008:56) and thus seems to be a sound starting point for discussion. For the sake of argument, we will consider white collar crime a sub category of corporate crime, defined by Sutherland (1940) as a crime committed by a person of high social status and of respectabil ity in the course of his employment. (A standard definition of corporate crime as the one that I have given earlier does not have the pre requisite of social status or respectability). Nevertheless, criticisms of Sutherland’s definiton of white collar crime, most notably by Nelken (see Nelken in Maguire et al 2007: 733-766) would apply to corporate crime, the first of these being that the behaviours that Sutherland regards as crimes are socially contentious e.g. taking long breaks or misusing the telephone at work. Other crimes that are mentioned are wide ranging and have nothing in common e.g. bank embezzlement and fiddling at work (see Nelken in Maguire et al 2007: 738). Nelken quotes Geiss (1968) who states that socially controversial crimes risk blurring the boundaries between what is criminal and what is not criminal (see Nelken in Maguire et al 1997:740). More generally, corporate crime has been said to be difficult to define because it covers a wide range of crimes and is complicated by terminology such as ‘business’ or ‘organisational’ often used in its place (see Slapper and Tombs (1999)). Crawford (1998) argues that definitions of corporate crime cannot be dicussed without recognising that there is a link between corporate crime and organisational crime. In the end, Nelken argues that bearing all this in mind, perhaps we should be asking ourselves whether definitions of white collar crime within criminology should match legal definitions of white collar crime (Nelken in Maguire et al 2007: 742). Perhaps at this stage, before proceeding to look at Marxist criminologies, it is worth mentioning that matching criminological definitions of crime with legal definitions would not resolve the problem of wide ranging crimes as these will only increase with time. The definition of crime changes according to the social and historical context, as social interactionists raised this very point in the 1960’s arguing that cri me is a social construction (Taylor, Walton Young, 1973: ). Here we can see the beginnings of a more critical understanding of crime, moving away from the focus being on the offender to questions being raised, such as ‘who defines what is a crime?’ bringing into discussion the role of power. We will now move on to a short discussion about the contribution of Marxist criminology, as most work on corporate crime has originated from this school of thought (McLaughlin Muncie 2006: 75). This is because Marxist criminology raises the importance of ‘power’ and the state, arguing that those in power shape the laws in order to protect their own interests (Vold el al 2002: 256). According to Vold (2002), this explains why the cost of street crime in America is $18 billion per year and why the cost of corporate crime is $1 trillion per year (2002: 255). Vold argues that twice as many people die because of illegal workplace conditions as they do from criminal homicide. In answer to the main question, we can safely assume that these statistics illustrate that corporate crime is a serious problem. It has been argued by others that failure by criminal justice agencies to control street crime serves the interest of the ruling class by diverting the public’s attent ion away from the people in power (who the public are greater victims of) and keeps the public in constant anxiety about lower class crime (Reiman, 1998 in Vold et al 2002). This may explain as we shall see further on why crime prevention initiatives have ignored corporate crime. Marxist criminology may have been criticised for not offering any realistic solutions to the crime problem (Lea Young 1984), however with the rights given to corporations to have the right of ownership over genetic materials taken from living organisms (Manning, 2000), we can see some of the potential problems to come. Going back to statistics, no discussion on the seriousness of corporate crime can be complete without mentioning the problems with empirical research in its quest to measure how serious corporate crime is. One way of looking at the phenomenon of ‘seriousness’ is to measure levels of corporate crime. This however presents quite a challenge as corporate crime is one such crime where they may be no clear victim. Crawford (1998) offers this as one explanation as to why crime prevention initiatives are difficult to implement in addressing corporate crime (1998:166). Although some crime prevention surveys have included commercial and other white collar crimes (Pearce: 1996), Crawford (1998) argues that surveys are still required to use what he terms ‘popularly meaningful’ definitions of crime, which means that this limits the range of crimes that are included in surveys (1998:166). All of this gives more credibility to the notion that there is a ‘dark figure of crime.’ (see Coleman 1996) especially where for example corporate crime is omitted from victim surveys such as the British Crime Survey (Swale 2007: 123). Despite these problems with crime statis tics, this does not explain why government crime prevention initiatives that are the result of criminological research ignore corporate crime (Box 1983). If positivism and classicism ignored corporate crime the same can be said of administrative criminology which emerged in the late 1980’s and which gave birth to situational crime prevention initiatives in the 1980’s (see Hughes 1996). The ideas of administrative criminology were a rehash of classicist notions of the criminal as being rational and calculating. Situational crime prevention was however concerned with manipulating the physical environment for e.g. through using surveillance techniques like CCTV or improving architectural design. However as many have argued situational crime prevention agendas have ignored crimes committed by the powerful such as governments and crimes against human rights aswell as the police (Cohen 1993; McLaughlin 1996). The reason put forward by Hughes as regards the lack of focus on corporate crimes is because situational crime prevention inititiatives agendas have been set by the demands of the government. This essay has explored how early criminology predating the 1970’s ignored or marginalized corporate crime. The 1960’s saw the beginnings of more critical thinking, notably with the emergence of social interactionism and then in the 1970’s Marxist Criminology which focussed its attention away from the offender and on to the state as the object of study. It was from Marxist Criminology that much research on corporate crime emerged and which had provided some explanation as to why corporate crime is still not considered part of the ‘crime problem’. Marxist criminology is however not without its critics (see Lea Young, 1984). As we have shown, administrative criminology which paved the way for crime prevention initiatives again ignored corporate crime and reverted back to previous classicist ideas, with a focus on crime as being individualistic (see Hughes, 1996). As regards to how serious a problem corporate crime poses we need to be certain about ho w much corporate crime there is. However, due to the problems that I have considered with statistics this is tricky. What we can be certain of is that with developments in science and technology and e.g. the commodification of DNA (Nelken in Maguire et al 2007:765) we can only take it as inevitable that as Social Interactionists have suggested, this will result in the creation of newer crimes (see Taylor, Walton Young 1973), for which reason we should abandon our search in coming to a more comprehensive understanding of corporate crime. Bibliography Carrington Hogg (2002) Critical Criminology: Issues, debates, challenges Devon:Willan Publishing Crawford, A (1998) Crime prevention and Community Safety Essex: Pearson Education Hughes, G (1996) Understanding Crime Prevention Buckingham: OUP Lea Young (1984) What is to be done about Law Order London: Pluto Press Maguire et al (1997) Oxford Handbook of Criminology Oxford: OUP McLaughlin The Sage Dictionary of Criminology Muncie (2006) London: Sage Swale, J (2007) Sociology of Crime and Deviance Oxfordshire: Hodder Education Taylor, Walton Young (1973) The New Criminology London: Routledge Vold et al (2002) Theoretical Criminology Oxford: OUP Williams, K (2007) Textbook on Criminology Oxford: OUP How to cite How do criminologists define corporate crime?, Essay examples

Michael J Fox Essays - Parkinsons Disease, Michael J. Fox, Spin City

Michael J Fox Attention getter: He was considered one of The 25 Most intriguing people of the Year in 1998 by People weekly magazine. He was also named Celebrity of the Year 2000 by US weekly magazine on its January 2001 issue. With his boyish good looks he had conquer Hollywood and several women hearts. You might be wondering?. Who in the world is she talking about? Well this person is Michael J Fox, a terrific actor and my favorite one. Purpose Statement: Today I would like to inform you about Michael successive life. Thesis: Michael J Fox, like any other person have had up and downs in his life, he had a very successful acting career since he was 18, so for almost 19 years. But life can be tough sometimes, after top hit TV series and movies, he had to quit acting and producing when he was diagnosed of having Parkinson's disease. Transition to body of speech: So to start out we can go deeply into some aspects of his life. Body: Michael J. Fox was born in June 9, 1961, In Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. As a child he enjoyed writing stories, he taught himself rock Biography magazine on their March 2000 issue. He began acting professionally at age 15, on the Canadian Broadcasting Company, in the television series Leo and me. He enjoyed acting so much that he dropped out of high school and moved to Los Angeles. When he arrived there, he discovered the name Michael Fox was already registered, so he took the middle initial J, and registered himself as actor Michael J Fox. In Los Angeles he found work in the TV series Palmers town USA. He also got a role in the Walt Disney feature film, Midnight Madness. All of this was only the beginning though. What came next for Michael was a role on a new NBC sitcom called Family Ties which was a big success that stayed on air from 1982 to 1989, an impressive 7 years run. He played the role of Alex P. Keaton, the neo-conservative son obsessed with money and politics, amongst a white middle class family, headed by two former hippie parents. The show was a hit around the world and Fox would win three Emmy Awards for his role. It was also during Family Ties that he met and married his wife Tracy Pollen, she played his girlfriend on the show. They have been married for eleven years already and are the parents of a son named Sam and identical twin daughters named Aquinnah and Schuyler. This cute as a button couple was nominated as one of The 25 most romantic couples ever by writer Janet Cawley from Biography magazine on their February 1999 issue. Soon after he began appearing on the show, Michael squeezed time into his schedule to make a new movie Back to the future. The film was a great success and proved to the world that Fox was a viable talent actor. In the words of various admiring critics, he demonstrated an incredible comic sensibility and an infallible charm. He also had enormous success playing comic roles like the one in Teen Wolf and The secret of my success; but Michael wanted to broaden his range and took some dramatic roles like in movies Light of Day, Bright Lights, Big City, Casualties of War. Audience applauded Fox's return to Back to the Future, for sequels II and III in 1989 and 1990. His role in The American President in 1995, earned Michael accolades once again, but it was his ceremonious return to prime time television in the ABC sitcom Spin City, which premiered in 1996, that put Fox back where he belonged. Fox plays the lovably deputy mayor of New York City. This show is a combination of political satire and silly humor. Spin City was a critical success, rating between 17 and 20 million viewers per episode. Everything seemed to be on track with Michael's life, his TV series was a success and he also won several awards thank to it, like: The People's choice award in 1997 The golden globe in 1997,1998 and 1999, he won in the category of best actor in a television series. Also in 1999 he won the GQ Man of

Kyoto Treaty on Global Climate essays

Kyoto Treaty on Global Climate essays During a United Nations conference of parties on December of 1997 in Kyoto Japan, the United Nations had a convention on climate change. In the convention the United Nations proposed a solution to the threat of climate change leading into an arrangement known as the Kyoto Treaty or Protocol on Global Climate Change. The Kyoto Treaty or Protocols aim is to combat the global warming by limiting emission Greenhouse gasses, Carbon dioxide CO2, Methane, Sox nitrous oxide NoX, hydorflourocarbon, perflourocarbon, and sulfur hexafluoride to 5-7% below the 1990 levels, the UN hopes to reach this aim during the period of 2008-2010. The Kyoto treaty or protocol is an extension of the Montreal Protocol which is a landmark international agreement designed to protect the stratospheric ozone layer. The treaty was originally signed in 1987 and substantially amended in 1990 and 1992. The Montreal Protocol requires that the production and consumption of compounds that eat up the ozone layer in the atmosphere chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), halons, carbon tetrachloride, and methyl chloroform are to be regulated out by 2000. So far about 168 nations have signed the treaty including 130 developed nations but not China nor India. Climate change and its causes: these gasses, supporters say, are the main contributors to global warming that, if unchecked, will lead to such dire results as more severe flooding, catastrophic raises in sea level and the northern shift of agricultural production.(Pope Charles). Global Warming has caused that an about 5500 square kilometer piece of glacier from west Antarctica broke off on march 11 2002 along with the Antarctic Peninsula which lost about 3250 square kilometers of ice. "Such warming is not universal across Antarctica - on average the coastal regions about Antarctica are warming - and that trend is very strong in the Peninsula region. However continued warming and the progression southwards of ...

USS Oregon (BB-3) in the Spanish-American War

USS Oregon (BB-3) in the Spanish-American War In 1889, Secretary of the Navy Benjamin F. Tracy proposed a large 15-year building program consisting of 35 battleships and 167 other vessels. This plan had been devised by a policy board that Tracy convened on July 16 which sought to build upon the shift to armored cruisers and battleships that had begun with USS Maine (ACR-1) and USS Texas (1892). Of the battleships, Tracy wished ten to be long-range and capable of 17 knots with a steaming radius of 6,200 miles. These would serve as a deterrent to enemy action and be capable of attacking targets abroad. The remainder were to be of coastal defense designs with a speed of 10 knots and a range of 3,100 miles. With shallower drafts and more limited range, the board intended for these vessels to operate in North American waters and the Caribbean. Design Concerned that the program signaled the end of American isolationism and the embracing of imperialism, the US Congress declined to move forward with Tracys plan in its entirety. Despite this early setback, Tracy continued to lobby and in 1890 funding was allocated   for the building of three 8,100-ton coastal battleships, a cruiser, and torpedo boat. The initial designs for the coastal battleships called for a main battery of four 13 guns and a secondary battery of rapid-fire 5 guns. When the Bureau of Ordnance proved unable to produce the 5 guns, they were replaced with a mixture of 8 and 6 weapons. For protection, the initial plans called for the vessels to possess a 17 thick armor belt and 4 of deck armor. As the the design evolved, the main belt was thickened to 18 and consisted of Harvey armor. This was a type of steel armor in which the front surfaces of the plates were case hardened. Propulsion for the ships came from two vertical inverted triple expansion reciprocating steam engines generating around 9,000 hp and turning two propellers. Power for these engines was provided by four double-ended Scotch boilers and the vessels could achieve a top speed around 15 knots. Construction Authorized on June 30, 1890, the three ships of the Indiana-class, USS Indiana (BB-1), USS Massachusetts (BB-2), and USS Oregon (BB-3), represented the US Navys first modern battleships. The first two ships were assigned to William Cramp Sons in Philadelphia and the yard offered to build the third. This was declined as Congress required that the third be built on the West Coast. As a result, construction of Oregon, excluding guns and armor, was assigned to Union Iron Works in San Francisco. Laid down on November 19, 1891, work moved forward and two years later the hull was ready to enter the war. Launched on October 26, 1893, Oregon slid down the ways with Miss Daisy Ainsworth, daughter of Oregon steamboat magnate John C. Ainsworth, serving as sponsor. An additional three years were required to finish Oregon due to delays in producing the armor plate for the vessels defenses. Finally completed, the battleship commenced its sea trials in May 1896. During testing, Oregon achieved a top speed of 16.8 knots which exceeded its design requirements and made it slightly faster than its sisters. USS Oregon (BB-3) - Overview: Nation: United StatesType: BattleshipShipyard: Union Iron WorksLaid Down: November 19, 1891Launched: October 26, 1893Commissioned: July 15, 1896Fate: Scrapped in 1956 Specifications Displacement: 10,453 tonsLength: 351 ft., 2 in.Beam: 69 ft., 3 in.Draft: 27 ft.Propulsion: 2 x vertical inverted triple expansion reciprocating steam engines, 4 x double ended Scotch boilers, 2 x propellersSpeed: 15 knotsRange: 5,600 miles at 15 knotsComplement: 473 men Armament Guns 4 Ãâ€" 13 guns (2Ãâ€"2)8 Ãâ€" 8 guns (4Ãâ€"2)4 Ãâ€" 6 guns removed 190812 Ãâ€" 3 guns added 191020 Ãâ€" 6-pounders Early Career: Commissioned on July 15, 1896, with Captain Henry L. Howison in command, Oregon commenced fitting out for duty on the Pacific Station. The first battleship on the West Coast, it commenced routine peacetime operations. During this period, Oregon, like Indiana and Massachusetts, suffered from stability problems due to the fact that the vessels main turrets were not centrally balanced. To correct this issue, Oregon entered dry dock in late 1897 to have bilge keels installed. As workers completed this project, word arrived of the loss of USS Maine in Havana harbor. Departing dry dock on February 16, 1898, Oregon steamed for San Francisco to load ammunition. With relations between Spain and the United States quickly deteriorating, Captain Charles E. Clark received orders on March 12 instructing him to bring the battleship to the East Coast to reinforce the North Atlantic Squadron. Racing to the Atlantic: Putting to sea on March 19, Oregon began the 16,000-mile voyage by steaming south to Callao, Peru. Reaching the city on April 4, Clark paused to re-coal before pressing on to the Straits of Magellan. Encountering severe weather, Oregon moved through the narrow waters and joined the gunboat USS Marietta at Punta Arenas. The two ships then sailed for Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Arriving on April 30, they learned that the Spanish-American War had begun. Continuing north, Oregon made a brief stop at Salvador, Brazil before taking on coal at Barbados. On May 24, the battleship anchored off Jupiter Inlet, FL having completed its journey from San Francisco in sixty-six days. Though the voyage captured the imagination of the American public, it demonstrated the need for the construction of the Panama Canal. Moving to Key West, Oregon joined Rear Admiral William T. Sampsons North Atlantic Squadron. Spanish-American War: Days after Oregon arrived, Sampson received word from Commodore Winfield S. Schley that the Admiral Pascual Cerveras Spanish fleet was in port at Santiago de Cuba. Departing Key West, the squadron reinforced Schley on June 1 and the combined force commenced a blockade of the harbor. Later that month, American troops under Major General William Shafter landed near Santiago at Daiquirà ­ and Siboney. Following the American victory at San Juan Hill on July 1, Cerveras fleet came under threat from American guns overlooking the harbor. Planning a breakout, he sortied with his ships two days later. Racing from the port, Cervera initiated the running Battle of Santiago de Cuba. Playing a key role in the fighting, Oregon ran down and destroyed the modern cruiser Cristobal Colon. With the fall of Santiago, Oregon steamed to New York for a refit. Later Service: With the completion of this work, Oregon departed for the Pacific with Captain Albert Barker in command. Re-circling South America, the battleship received orders to support American forces during the Philippine Insurrection. Arriving in Manila in March 1899, Oregon remained in the archipelago for eleven months. Leaving the Philippines, the ship operated in Japanese waters before putting into Hong Kong in May. On June 23, Oregon sailed for Taku, China to aid in suppressing the Boxer Rebellion. Five days after leaving Hong Kong, the ship struck a rock in the Changshan Islands. Sustaining heavy damage, Oregon was refloated and entered dry dock at Kure, Japan for repairs. On August 29, the ship steamed for Shanghai where it remained until May 5, 1901. With the end of operations in China, Oregon re-crossed the Pacific and entered Puget Sound Navy Yard for an overhaul. In the yard for over a year, Oregon underwent major repairs before sailing for San Francisco on September 13, 1902. Returning to China in March 1903, the battleship spent the next three years in the Far East protecting American interests. Ordered home in 1906, Oregon arrived at Puget Sound for modernization. Decommissioned on April 27, work soon commenced. Out of commission for five years, Oregon was reactivated on August 29, 1911 and assigned to the Pacific reserve fleet. Though modernized, the battleships small size and relative lack of firepower still rendered it obsolete. Placed in active service that October, Oregon spent the next three years operating on the West Coast. Passing in and out of reserve status, the battleship took part in the 1915 Panama-Pacific International Exposition in San Francisco and the 1916 Rose Festival in Portland, OR. World War II Scrapping: In April 1917, with the United States entry into World War I, Oregon was re-commissioned and commenced operations on the West Coast. In 1918, the battleship escorted transports west during the Siberian Intervention. Returning to Bremerton, WA, Oregon was decommissioned on June 12, 1919. In 1921, a movement began to preserve the ship as museum in Oregon. This came to fruition in June 1925 after Oregon was disarmed as part of the Washington Naval Treaty. Moored at Portland, the battleship served as a museum and memorial. Redesignated IX-22 on February 17, 1941, Oregons fate changed the following year. With American forces fighting World War II it was determined that the ships scrap value was vital to the war effort. As a result, Oregon was sold on December 7, 1942 and taken to Kalima, WA for scrapping. Work progressed on dismantling Oregon during 1943. As the scrapping moved forward, the US Navy requested that it be halted after it reached the main deck and the interior cleared out. Reclaiming the empty hull, the US Navy intended to use it as a storage hulk or breakwater during the 1944 reconquest of Guam. In July 1944, Oregons hull was loaded with ammunition and explosives and towed to the Marianas. It remained at Guam until November 14-15, 1948, when it broke loose during a typhoon. Located following the storm, it was returned to Guam where it stayed until being sold for scrap in March 1956.

Identify and explain key difference between Europenization and Term Paper

Identify and explain key difference between Europenization and Globalization - Term Paper Example According to neo-liberal approach (Ladi 2007; Held 1999), Europeanization converts principles of Western liberal democracy, European identity and cooperation with regional organizations. The paper contains research and comparative analysis of two above phenomena in such spheres as regionalization, governance institutions, public sector reforms and Eastern European enlargement. Discovering differences of two above phenomena, it is necessary to define them as independent integral processes. For instance, Held and Iankova (Held 1999; Iankova 2007) claim that globalization weakens state structure and promotes overall policy change. Deregulation policy in mass media or any other economic sphere occurs parallel to political liberalization. On the one hand, it could become a source of efficient innovative modes of governance and statehood weakening. In this case, globalization is â€Å"a process in progress, where a large number of governmental and non-governmental agents plays an important role within the system of global governance.† (Ladi 2007, p. 4) It promotes regional integration and modification of governmental institutions in the EU. There is a widespread standpoint that Europeanization is a subsystem of globalization (Einhorn and Logue 2004). For example, economic globalization predetermines flourishing of economic models of the EU member-states. It results into deregulation, simplified taxation, goods transportation and broadening of national labor markets in Scandinavian countries. The authors analyze mechanisms of globalization within domestic environment. As Scandinavian countries have a mixed economic model with limited state ownership (Einhorn et al. 2004), governmental intervention into economic life of local communities has decreased. â€Å"Even public sector debt to GDP ratios and fiscal policy are explicitly impacted by

Manipulating creation Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Manipulating creation - Essay Example Therefore, while technology plays an important role in creating easy and comfortable lives for humanity, it is important to observe boundaries that maintain the balance of life. In the creation stories, there is a concept of God creating everything for the comfort of humankind. For example, man is in charge of all life on earth (Herzfeld 91). The implication is that man has the authority to shape the world to a shape that suits all his need. Therefore, the desire to change the nature of creation is justified by the position of man in the universe. However, this is a utilitarian view. An alternative view would mean that man has the responsibility to maintain creation as it is. In addition, changes would imply dissatisfaction with the work of the creator. Therefore, such changes would be wrong in a religious context. The illustration of the initial desire to change the nature of metals to suit the needs of humanity exposes the nature of man and his position in creation. For example, in an economic argument, the limited amounts of Gold make the metal valuable. It its quantities were to increase, its value would reduce. In addition, the other metals have more u se in building, tasks that gold cannot be used for. Therefore, the current model of creation fits the needs of humanity by availing materials in the amounts required by humankind. Therefore, the provisions of nature create a balance that makes life easier by providing the requirements of humanity at the required amounts. However, the argument of presence of diseases and other genetic disorders that complicate life and create suffering is used to challenge the principles of nature. For example, in the proposed models of nanotechnology, it is possible for doctors to remove tumors that were recently fatal to man (Herzfeld 96). In addition, the principles of alchemy were instrumental in brewing